Churchill's Democracy Vision: An Appeal to the UN, EU, and US

January 18, 2026 Ephrem Madebo On November 11, 1947, Winston Churchill articulated that democracy, despite its inherent imperfections, is preferable to any other system of governance that has been implemented. Churchill acknowledged the shortcomings of democratic institutions but underscored their superiority over totalitarian alternatives. Democracy is a form of government in which ultimate authority belongs to the people. Democracy constitutes a system of governance wherein supreme authority resides with the populace. This authority is exercised either directly by the citizens or indirectly through their elected representatives, thereby embodying the foundational principle of “government of the people, by the people, for the people.” Although democracy relies on multiple interrelated systems, holding free and fair elections is the central process in every democracy. Fair and free elections are fundamental because they make sure that government power comes from the people’s consent, and they enable peaceful and orderly transitions of authority. Democracy definitely is priceless, but national democratic elections are unquestionably expensive. Administrative costs alone add up to hundreds of millions of dollars per election in many countries around the globe. Added to this are the costs of political campaigns, expanded media coverage, additional security, and special election dispute resolution mechanisms. Depending on the societal context, there may be significant supplementary costs associated with public education on electoral rights and obligations. Understanding the importance of democracy and the high cost of the electoral process that is the foundation of democracy, the UN, the European Union, and wealthy countries such as the United States, Germany, France, and the United Kingdom have been funding elections in developing countries for many years. Elections have played a significant role in decolonization, democratic transitions, and the implementation of peace agreements worldwide. The United Nations has been instrumental in supporting these transformative processes. During the era of decolonization, the UN oversaw and monitored elections and referenda that led to the establishment of new independent nations. Today, the Organization’s focus has shifted toward providing technical support to help Member States develop credible and sustainable national election systems. Several developing countries—including Ethiopia, Pakistan, Nepal, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)—receive Western aid through organizations like the UN and EU to support election logistics, voter education, and observation, helping strengthen democratic institutions. The list of supported nations changes over time and covers many regions in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. The UN and EU finance elections because elections are widely recognized as essential for building and sustaining the legitimacy of a state, serving as a crucial step toward creating an inclusive and stable political environment. Today, elections are held in countries across a broad political spectrum—from established democracies to transitional and semi-authoritarian systems, and in both fragile and robust contexts. Organizing free, fair, and credible elections presents significant logistical, financial, and political challenges. The international community plays a vital role in supporting the effective planning, execution, and integration of elections within broader efforts to strengthen political systems and deepen democracy. Each year, hundreds of countries hold elections to select representatives at national, local, and regional levels. The UNDP assists many of these nations in conducting credible, inclusive, and peaceful elections, making it the largest provider of electoral support within the UN system—helping about 60 countries annually. This support emphasizes human rights, gender equality, and addresses threats to electoral integrity, such as misinformation. Rather than viewing electoral support as an end in itself, UNDP integrates it into wider initiatives aimed at fostering inclusive political processes and driving progressive societal change. Organizing national elections is a costly endeavor for any country, and the financial burden is even greater for developing nations like Ethiopia. The expenses associated with nationwide elections in Ethiopia far exceed what the government can afford on its own. As a result, international organizations and donor countries—including the United Nations and the European Union—play a vital role by providing essential funding and technical assistance. Despite this support, elections in Ethiopia continue to face persistent, deep-seated challenges. Over the past five years, the country has grappled with a complex mix of issues and conflicts. There has been a notable rise in both peaceful and violent incidents, such as widespread protests by health professionals demanding better wages and working conditions, a surge in abductions—especially in the Amhara and Oromia regions—and intensified military operations targeting militia groups in Amhara. Additionally, cross-border clashes have resumed in Tigray, and targeted violence persists in Oromia despite recent peace agreements. These developments highlight ongoing ethnic tensions, civil unrest, and serious human rights concerns. Nationwide elections in Ethiopia are not only expensive but also face serious challenges beyond financial constraints. Ongoing conflicts in Tigray, Amhara, and Oromia hinder voting and endanger security, limiting citizens’ participation. Political exclusion is common, with opposition parties and independent media often suppressed or sidelined, resulting in limited competition and transparency. The electoral system itself favors the ruling party, and the National Electoral Board struggles with limited independence and capacity. Widespread poverty, humanitarian crises, and damaged infrastructure further complicate the process, despite ongoing international support from organizations like the UN and EU. As a result, Ethiopian elections frequently fall short of being free, fair, and representative. International entities such as the United Nations, the United States, the European Union, and other global institutions extend support to democratic elections in developing nations with the dual objectives of ensuring free and fair electoral processes and fostering the advancement of democracy worldwide, thereby seeking to curtail the tenure of authoritarian regimes. Nevertheless, in certain contexts, it is evident that authoritarian leaders exploit external financial assistance to consolidate and expand their own power. For instance, in 2021, Ethiopia received substantial international funding to facilitate its sixth national election; however, the administration that emerged from this electoral process has exacerbated the nation’s challenges. This example illustrates that, in some cases, international financial support intended to promote democracy may inadvertently serve to entrench authoritarian rule. Over the past three months, the Election Board has met with Ethiopian political parties on three occasions to discuss scheduling the seventh national elections. Most parties have insisted that safeguarding human lives should take precedence over holding elections. They emphasized that ongoing ethnic conflicts and warfare in the country’s two largest regions must be resolved first, and that fundamental rights—such as the freedom to assemble, campaign, and express opinions—must be upheld. Despite these compelling arguments, the Election Board, which is fully controlled by the ruling party, has disregarded the parties’ concerns. Instead, it provided only a perfunctory response and informed the parties that elections will proceed in June 2026. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is desperately seeking the June election to show the international community that he is the legitimate leader of Ethiopia, but whether the election is held or not, Abiy Ahmed is the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, the Prosperity Party is a party that controls 97% of the parliamentary seats, and the remaining 3% of the parliamentary seats are distributed to traitorous enemies of the people like Daniel Kibret and parties that sold themselves to Prosperity Party, even though they did not get a single vote in the election. Three months after the election results are announced, Prime Minister Abiy, as usual, will give cabinet positions to opposition parties that he has made his personal property, and swear in as the next Prime Minister of Ethiopia, but the ethnic conflict, civil war, ethnic cleansing, war crimes, kidnapping, imprisonment, persecution and murder in Ethiopia will continue for another five years. Such despicable crimes against the Ethiopian people are committed with the financial assistance provided by the international community. The international community—including the United Nations, the United States, and the European Union—has financed six consecutive elections in Ethiopia from 1995 to 2021 and is now preparing to support a seventh. The UN, US and EU must reflect on their actions and consider the perspectives of the Ethiopian people. In a nation plagued by civil war, daily reports of ethnic-cleansing, and ongoing war crimes, funding an election that could return the main perpetrator to power is tantamount to complicity. If these international actors genuinely wish to support Ethiopia’s democratic transition, they should leverage their diplomatic, financial, and media influence to help remove the corrupt Abiy Ahmed government and establish a comprehensive transitional administration. Rather than providing financial and technical backing for an election that legitimizes an individual previously declared responsible for war crimes, they should focus on supporting genuine democratic change. The people of Ethiopia are determined to create a democratic society where they can freely choose their leaders and representatives, exercise their rights and freedoms, and live in peace. They deeply appreciate the financial, material, and technical assistance provided by the international community to help achieve these aspirations. However, over the past three decades—and especially in recent years—international aid meant to support democratic development and curb authoritarianism has, in practice, strengthened dictatorial power. Ethiopia serves as a clear example: since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed extended his term during the 2021 elections, the country has seen a decline in respect for basic human rights, with ethnic conflict and civil war erupting in several regions. Today, the main hope for people across Ethiopia is simply to live in peace. Yet, the current government, led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, has shown little willingness to resolve political disagreements without resorting to conflict. Currently, in much of Ethiopia, citizens face daily threats to their safety, with no assurance of leaving and returning home unharmed. Armed conflict between regional and federal forces persists in the country’s two largest regions, and incidents of abduction and extortion have become commonplace. The Tigray, Oromia, and Amhara regions remain beyond the central government’s control. Political parties are restricted to their offices, unable to campaign or operate freely, and fundamental rights such as freedom of expression, assembly, and protest are denied. Despite these severe political, social, and security challenges, the government led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is preparing for national elections in just four months. International organizations—including the United Nations, the European Union, and donor countries—should reconsider funding these elections. Supporting a process that lacks legitimacy only perpetuates the cycle of suffering and empowers those responsible for ongoing abuses. Funding the current government is, in effect, funding the hardship endured by the Ethiopian people. The writer can be reached at : emadebo@gmail.com Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com __ Support Borkena :https://borkena.com/subscribe-borkena/Join our Telegram Channel : t.me/borkenaLike borkena on Facebook Borkena Ethiopian News Youtube Channel